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The Historians and Histories,
Chapter One, The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries:
Thomas Damet, and Henry Manship.
The earliest known historical writing in the town of Great Yarmouth
dates from the sixteenth century. An unsigned manuscript was written that set
out the town's history for the first time.
Ever since then there has been an argument about who wrote it. For
unknown reasons this work, called “The Foundation and Antiquitye of Great
Yarmouthe” was ascribed to Manship the elder, a prominent merchant and
councilman, a freeman of the Borough in 1545, who was elected to sit on the
Corporation in 1550, and was largely instrumental in arranging the rebuilding
of the harbour entrance. The river had
silted up yet again, and Manship arranged for a Dutchman called Joas Johnson to
come across to Yarmouth and redesign the entrance to the river. His design
proved so successful that it has been effective to this day.[1]
The document entitled “The Foundation and Antiquitye of Great Yarmouth”,
in due course passed though the hands of later historians. Martin, Blomefield and Ives wrote comments
in the border of the manuscript, ascribing it to Manship. Then, in 1965, Paul Rutledge, the Borough
Archivist, wrote an article in which he sought to demolish the idea of Manship
senior as author.[2] The latest event referred to in the document
occurred in 1599. Rutledge was led to
believe that Thomas Damet was the author when he found an entry in the burial
register of the parish for a Henry Manship in 1569, whom he assumed to be the
same Manship, father of the author.
Since then the original document has become available. It had been transcribed by Charles Palmer in
1847, and Rutledge worked from the transcript.
Now that we have the original to compare with the book of charters and
other documents compiled by Damet, it can be examined to see whether it was
written in the same hand. Rutledge
maintains that Damet had more than one secretary hand, and wrote documents in a
different hand. He maintains that
Manship senior was illiterate, and could not have written the “foundation”.
I can find no evidence as to whether Manship senior was literate or not.
I have however examined documents by both authors. At first sight these indeed appear to be in two distinct hands. In 1569, Thomas Damet copied out all the
town's charters into a book as a historical record, signing every page. The original book is on vellum, bound within
parchment cut out of an illuminated manuscript. In 1847 Charles Palmer borrowed it from James Sparke of Bury St
Edmunds (it was actually Sparke’s brother who had bought it).[3] It seems probable that it had passed from
Peter Le Neve to Tom Martin to Ives, and then to Sparke. It is now to be found in the Norfolk Record
Office.[4] Only by photocopying and enlarging the
script with the letters enhanced in density, and studying individual letters
and words with script treated likewise from Damet’s book of charters, is it
possible to make sufficiently detailed comparisons. There can then be seen to
be enough points that are identical, that Rutledge is shown to be correct and
the “Foundation” is seen to have been written by one and the same hand as
Damet’s book of charters (see my comparison of Damet’s writing, which do not
convert satisfactorily to html, so needs to be opened preferably with
Wordperfect, but other word processors may suffice. File is in damets writings wordperfect file
When Damet
wrote, probably in 1599/1600, he was following the work of Hollinshed and Bale,
but Camden’s Britannia was not translated and widely available until
1610, Spelman’s brief work was later, Dugdale not yet born. There was nevertheless a great interest in
the writing of the histories of the towns and shires in Elizabethan times, and
Damet was clearly caught up in this whirlwind of interest. Leland had been a great traveller and
collector, and his material was used by those that followed him, but he was
never able to complete the great historical work of his dreams, since he went
mad in attempting it. It was Bale who
used his material, and published the work that appears to have had its effect
in moulding the prose of Damet. No-one
could say that Damet was a plagiarist, he had to do all his own research, and
failed to put his name to it when he finished.
The prose is fluent, and the text has been considered accurate:
In the year of
our Saviour 1306, the Market-Place of the saide Towne of Greate Yennouthe was
paved, and a newe Crosse and Pillorye sette upp therein, and the Crosse covered
with leade.
Moreover yt
seemeth that in the year 1392 the Haven of Yermouthe was fallen agene into greate
ruyne and decaye, which had been cutte and trenched newe into the Sea aboute
thirtye yeres before, and therefore the Townesmen were sutors unto Kinge
Richarde the Seconde, to have leave to digge and cutte a newe Haven, and yt
seemeth this was a matter taken in hand by good advise and counsell of some
skilfulle personnes, for the verye place was not onlye sette downe where it
shuld be cutte, but the verye lengthe and breadthe also were prefixed. For the said Kinge graunted his License unto
the said Towne, to make and cutte a newe Haven within the liberties of the same
Town, in a certen place called the Horse Ferrye, and that the same shuld
conteyne one hundrethe perches in lengthe, and ten perches in bredthe, which
seemethe by the mencion of the old trenche yet remaineng, was performed
accordinglie. And it is to be supposed
that the said Kinge Richard the Second gave some benevolence to so good a peece
of worke, at the begennenge thereof, but there is no manifeste recorde
thereof. But thus it is to be gathered
Kinge Henrye 4, whoe did succeede Kinge Richarde the Seconde, the tenthe yere
of his reigne. [5]
Not many town
histories were written as early as this.
A John Smith of Bosham manor in Sussex was one of very few that preceded Damet, writing a
manuscript with numerous marginal references in 1637.[6] Smith was a lawyer, as was his contemporary,
John Rowe, who researched the manor of Lewes.
Such enterprises were very much boosted by the publication of William
Dugdale’s History of Warwickshire in 1656. Hot off the press this stimulated John Aubrey for example to
propose a History of Wiltshire in 1660, but his subsequent work was never
finished, and Thomas Tanner’s “Scheme of the Intended History of Wiltshire”
(1714) likewise came to nothing.
Possibly this was due to the expense of the exercise, and the amount of
work involved which always fell upon one single man. Few examples of collaborative works exist of the time, whereas
the number of failed efforts, and of historians driving themselves mad in the
attempt is significant. The Yarmouth
historians preserved their sanity, but not so fortunate were such as Leland,
who "fell about his wits".
Similarly stressed and ill were Hutchinson of Huntingdonshire, and in
Staffordshire, Erdeswick, and then Stebbing Shaw. Camden fell into debt, as did Hasted of Kent, Gilbert of
Cornwall, Lipscomb of Buckinghamshire, and numerous others.[7]
In Yarmouth,
Henry Manship junior was the son of a local merchant. Born in 1555, he became a freeman, teacher and alderman, and
wrote a history of Yarmouth.[8]. If Rutledge is correct, then Manship senior
died when his son was only fourteen years old.[9] Henry junior was soon active in council
affairs himself, although very out-spoken and rude at times to his fellow
councilmen. In 1604 this caused him to be dismissed, although later reinstated.
If arrogant and disliked, at least Manship retained his sanity and his
position, whilst others elsewhere were not so lucky. Manship was employed as
schoolmaster and notary public. In the
Bodleian library at Oxford, there is a book from the hospital school in the
Market Place at Great Yarmouth, where Manship had transcribed and translated
the original Latin, compiling a history of the hospital. He signed this work at the end, adding his
title of “notary public”. The book is
leather bound but attacked by woodworm.
Brass plates fixed on it are inscribed “Great Yarmouth”.[10]
Manship
junior’s history of the town remained in manuscript form until printed by
Charles Palmer in 1856.[11] Manship
started work on his text in 1612 and completed it in 1619.[12] It seems
surprising that the work could be completed in such a short period, but then
Stow is likewise said to have completed the “Survey of London” in only eight
years. He gathered material from the
Yarmouth Church vestry, and the Guildhall, where all the local documents then
resided, but also he travelled to London, and examined documents at the
Tower. He also examined “his majesties
records remayning at Westminster”.[13] C. J. Palmer when he printed his transcript
of Manship junior’s work, wrote “fortunately the book remains”, but
neglected to make a description of it,
such as the material on which it was written.
This is strange, since in his earlier work on Damet’s “Foundacion” he
describes the document quite carefully as “very neatly and carefully written in
the calligraphy of the period, upon one side of foolscap paper, and is bound in
a parchment cover; an illuminated missal having apparently been cut up to keep
the leaves together”.[14]
Manship’s work
was completed in 1619, nearly 200 years after Leland and Matthew Parker, and he
lived in a time when the nobility were great collectors of historical
documents. It was usual to consult
other works on a given subject, but as a schoolmaster and classical scholar,
Manship is perhaps more likely than many to have kept abreast of the work of
his contemporaries.
His more
immediate predecessors include Sir Henry Sidney, who was the High Steward of Great
Yarmouth, and had a significant library and collection. Matthew Parker certainly used Sidney's
library, and borrowed works from it.[15] Parker was master of Corpus Christi College
Cambridge, having been born in Norwich in 1504. Parker, Leland and the historians
of that age were very aware of the vulnerability of historical texts, and made
great efforts to preserve them. On the
other hand Leland was not against forging material, if he need it to suit his
purposes.[16] Much of the later work in publishing and
editing the works of Leland and Spelman, was carried out by Thomas Tanner,[17] and Tanner
also has been accused of plagiarism and fraud.[18] It was Parker
who founded the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries. Sir Henry Spelman wrote regarding the History of that Society in
1614.[19] Spelman was a historian with local interest
and influence, who used charters extensively in his work, indeed he wrote a
treatise called “Of Antient Deeds and Charters”. Spelman was critical enough to
reject the Charters of Ethelbert as forgeries and considered them worthless,
but on the other hand, he was led into believing Ingulf's forged treatise
regarding the early Norman history.[20] There was, then, at the beginning of the 17th
century, the realisation that many old documents might be mere forgeries, and
the beginnings of critical examination of sources. Manship however does not seem to have appreciated this
possibility. It may well be that none
of the documents that he used were forged, but there was no concern by Manship
that the documents should scrutinised to see if they were.
Printed
historical text had first appeared in England with The Chronicles of England,
the rendition of the French “Brut”, printed by Caxton in 1480. The text was accepted as it was and
unchallenged for two hundred years.[21] It was in
Manship's time that historians started to become more critical, whereas earlier
authors had filled in gaps and altered texts to suit themselves, with no
reference to allow others to detect the change. Whether or not Henry Manship thought his work might ever be
printed, he used the margins of his manuscript to give comment and
reference. Although many documents referred
to are lost, there is no reason to think that they have been in any way
corrupted.
Printers in
the Elizabethan period had avoided contemporary works, and deliberately
published works by deceased authors, enabling them to amend them as they
wished. Printers obtained suitable
texts wherever they might, such as the Chronicles of Jean Froissart,
translated by Lord Beers, and published by Pynson in two volumes in 1523 and
1525.[22] It was
impossible to make a living as a writer.
An author could only hope to have a wealthy patron, or to have his work
published after death. Manship had no
patron, but did have a secure income as a schoolmaster, which he supplemented
further with his appointments to the town council, and as surveyor. He had no publisher, but the work was very
much a finished one in the nineteenth century.
Palmer was able to have it printed without alteration. It is clear that the work is unaltered in
all but the minutest detail, since there is another copy to be found in the
Bodleian Library.[23] The latter
copy is only different in a side note or two, and the fact that minor
differences appear from the beginning, and that Palmer never made any reference
to any work in the Bodleian, suggests that Palmer was never aware of the
Yarmouth materials there, and secondly, that both works were direct copies of
the original manuscript. A third copy
of the manuscript kept in the Yarmouth central library is identical to Palmer’s
copy in every word and detail.[24] Multiple
copies may have been made, as was common practice, but no others are known.
John Speed was
a visitor to Yarmouth, wrote his history of Great Britain specifically for
publication, and very much to attract the popular taste. The two volumes were published in 1611, and
included many maps and engravings.[25] This aspect
leads one to the supposition that Manship was never anticipating a publication
of his work, that might since there was no attempt to include any such material
that might appeal to the popular reader.
Nevertheless it is very polished, and supplementary maps and prints
might well have been intended to be included at a later publication date. Separately Speed published a map of Yarmouth
in London, a map which had been drawn up for Paston’s grand designs.[26] Speed’s books were popular enough to be
reprinted in 1623, 1627, 1631, and 1632,[27] and he was a favourite of Manship. Manship wrote in similar style, attempting
prose, which in general is quite excellent and entirely readable. For example, in a “prayer for Yarmouth”:
0! my most
sweet beloved native town of Yarmouth! I do rejoice from the bottom of my heart
that thou hast such an excellent spacious haven, wherein so many ships may so
safely harbour; and hast so strong a navy; and art so strong a town; so armed
with walls, towers citadels and forts, adjoining upon the sea: thou art not
great in quantity, but strong and valorous; small in compass, yet, (blessed be
God) in great security. Thou art, as it
were, a little island, and yet, by God's help, invincible. Be thou well assured, if thou hear the word
of the Lord, delivered by his ministers from heaven, and wilt be ruled thereby;
and be thankful, the Lord will prefer thee far above other towns; he will be
thy shield and buckler, from foreign invasions and intestine commotions.[28]
Manship uses
side notes, and his writing is full of facts and figures. He refers to other sources clearly enough,
though not always quoting page references.
For instance he says that the priory of the White Friars was built in
the days of Edward III “but, Mr Speed, in his said Theatre, saith (for he is my
warrant) that it was built by Edward II, in anno 1278”[29] In some
instances he goes as far as giving a folio number “the tenor whereof as I find
them in Neville, fol.1,030.”[30] He creates
tables of Captains, Constables and petty Constables and their respective wards[31], and clearly
sets out his quotations, even with complete references in many cases: “Published by John Speed in the year 1611, I
rode fourteen miles to see and read it, whereout I have collected what there he
hath written concerning Yermouth in chap.18, fol.35, of his book- ‘Yermouth,
saith he, is the key of the coast,’”.[32]
It is therefore apparent that local history was at first indistinguishable from history in general. The first writers were antiquarian collectors, and history writing slowly evolved. Yarmouth is remarkable in having the earliest town historians in England. Other town histories at such an early date are rare indeed. There are only a very few examples: John Hooker’s “Synopsis Chorographical”, and “Description” of Exeter date from around 1579.[33] Lambarde published his Perambulation of Kent in 1576, but this was one of the first county histories, not a town history.[34] In London, William Fitzstephen wrote a topographical account as early as 1170.[35] It was John Stow, who was the first true historian of London, and in the 1590s he wote the Survey of London.[36] For that town, nothing really superceded it, although Munday (1618) and Dyson (1633) expanded Stow’s work, as did John Strype in 1720. [37] In Warwickshire a “History of Warwick” was written by John Rous before 1491, but that history has been lost, and whether it was of any merit, was a true history, and what may have influenced its creation, is not known.[38] Elsewhere, Robert Rogers of Chester completed the “History of Chester” between 1609 and 1620.[39] It seems very unlikely that Hooker’s text will have been available to either Damet or Manship, and of town histories only Stow’s work on London is likely to have had any impact upon either. Of more general historians, Camden will have had an influence on Manship, and Bale’s version of Hollinshed’s work is the likely model for Damet.
The Historians and Histories chapter 2.htm
[1]A. W.Ecclestone, Henry Manship’s Great Yarmouth, (J. Buckle, Gt. Yarmouth; 1971), p.85.
[2]Paul Rutledge, “Thomas Damet and the Historiography of Great Yarmouth”, Norfolk Archaeology, vol.xxxiii, (1965) p.119.
[3]Thomas Damet, “The Foundation and Antiquitye of Great Yarmouth”, Norfolk public record office, YD41/104.
[4]Paul Rutledge, “Thomas Damet and the Historiography of Great Yarmouth”, Norfolk Archaeology, vol.xxxiii, (1965) p.119.
[5]M. W. Greenslade, in English County Histories, A Guide, ed. C. R. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, (1994), p.20.
[6]West Suffolk R.O., Bosham Manor MSS. (Acc.939), III/14.
[7]English County Histories, a Guide, Ed. C. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, 1994, p.20;55.
[8]A. W. Ecclestone, Henry Manship’s Great Yarmouth, (John Buckle, Theatre Plain, Great Yarmouth, 1971), p.17.
[9] Paul Rutledge, Thomas Damet and the Historiography of Great Yarmouth, Norfolk Archaeology, vol.xxxiii, (1965) p.119.
[10]Bodleian Library, MS Gough Norfolk 20, Henry Manship “A Register of the Hospital of St. Mary at Great Yarmouth”, written 1400, with translation by Manship, 1641.
[11]C. J. Palmer, A Book of the Foundation and Antiquitye of Great Yarmouth, (Charles Sloman, King Street Great Yarmouth; 1874 ).
[12]History of Great Yarmouth, as compiled by Henry Manship, about 1619, edited by C. J. Palmer, printed 1856.
[13]History of Great Yarmouth, as compiled by Henry Manship, about 1619, edited by C. J. Palmer, printed 1856.p.ii.
[14]C. J. Palmer, A Book of the Foundation and Antiquitye of Great Yarmouth, (Charles Sloman, King Street Great Yarmouth; 1874 ).preface, p.x.
[15]May McKisack, Medieval History in the Tudor Age, (Clarendon Press, Oxford; 1971), p.50.
[16]May McKisack, Medieval History in the Tudor Age, (Clarendon Press, Oxford; 1971), p.15.
[17]Dr. Thomas Tanner, Archdeacon of Norfolk in 1721, and Cannon of Christ Church, Oxford, 1724.
[18]David C. Douglas, English Scholars, (1939, reprinted 1943) p.202.
[19]Linda Van Norden, “Sir Henry Spelman on the Chronology of the Elizabethan College of Antiquaries”, Huntingdon Library Quarterly xiii (1949-50), p.139.
[20]Phillip Styles, “The Study and Use of Charters by English Scholars in the Seventeenth Century: Sir Henry Spelman and Sir William Dugdale”, in Studies in Seventeenth Century West Midlands History , (Roundwood Press, Warwick; 1978) p.80.
[21]John Taylor, English Historical Literature in the Fourteenth Century, (Clarendon Press, Oxford; 1987)
[22]H. S. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 1475-1557, (Cambridge University Press; 1969), p.132.
[23]Bodleian Library, MS Gough Norfolk 20, Henry Manship, “History of Great Yarmouth”, manuscript copy by John Mosse.
[24]Great Yarmouth Library, Henry Manship, “History of Great Yarmouth”, manuscript copy by Robert Cory, L713.
[25]The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, and The History of Great Britaine, as related in H. S. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 1603-1640, (Cambridge University Press; 1970), p.173.
[26] Perry Gauci, Politics and Society in Great Yarmouth 1660-1772, (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1996), p.112.
[27]H. S. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 1603-1640, (Cambridge University Press; 1970), p.174.
[28]Manship’s history of Great Yarmouth, 1619, ed. C. J. Palmer, (printed 1856), p.102.
[29]Manship’s history of Great Yarmouth, 1619, ed. C. J. Palmer, (printed 1856), p.39.
[30]Manship’s history of Great Yarmouth, 1619, ed. C. J. Palmer, (printed 1856), p.146.
[31] Manship’s history of Great Yarmouth, 1619, ed. C. J. Palmer, (printed 1856), p.156.
[32]Manship’s history of Great Yarmouth, 1619, ed. C. J. Palmer, (printed 1856), p.6.
[33]B.L. Harl. MS.5827.
[34]English County Histories, A Guide, ed. C. R. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, 1994, p.209.
[35]English County Histories, A Guide, ed. C. R. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, 1994, p.258.
[36]J. Stowe, Survey of London, ed. C. L. Kingsford, (1908).
[37]English County Histories, A Guide, ed. C. R. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, 1994, p.260.
[38]English County Histories, A Guide, ed. C. R. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, 1994, p.396
[39]English County Histories, A Guide, ed. C. R. J. Currie and C. P. Lewis, 1994, p.73.